Language Of Race Essay

(Review of Lawrence Blum, â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬ : The Moral Quandary of Race (Ithaca; Cornell University Press, 2002). Theory and Research in Education 1(3), pp. 267-281. ) Lawrence Blum’s book, â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬ : The Moral Quandary of Race, is excellent and thought-provoking. It is a model of moral philosophy done well, and, as importantly, done with a purpose. At no point does one wonder, as one does with all too much moral philosophy these days, â€Å"Why does this matter? † Blum makes it clear from the start why we should care about the language and concepts of race and racism, and he does a brilliant job of integrating careful philosophical analysis with contemporary examples, historical explication, and creative thought experiments. Blum’s purpose is basically two-fold: first, to fight against racism and racial injustice by proving that the notion of â€Å"race† is both descriptively false and morally inimical and replacing it with the more accurate and useful notion of â€Å"racialized group†; and second, to enable and promote productive dialogue about racism and racial inequality, especially between members of different racialized groups. He is explicit only about the second of these aims — as he comments in the preface and reiterates in similar terms throughout the book, â€Å"If we agree that racism is so important, don’t we need to know what it is? How can we talk intelligently, especially across racial lines, unless we do? † (p. viii) — but the first aim clearly determines the structure and content especially of the second half of the book. In both cases, Blum suggests that language is a key: we can both move forward in the fight against racial injustice and promote cross-racial dialogue about racism and other racial ills, he suggests, if we analyze and clarify what we mean by certain words that are often used too loosely (such as â€Å"racist† and â€Å"racial 2 discrimination†); recapture other terms that have inappropriately been divested of moral weight (such as â€Å"racial insensitivity† and â€Å"prejudice†); and abandon the language of â€Å"race† altogether because its history of use has made it inherently misleading. This is the primary thrust of the book. In this essay, I will question Blum’s emphasis on language and naming. I will suggest that disagreements about the racial language we use, such as about â€Å"what racism is,† are integral elements of the debate about race and racial injustice, rather than something that can and should be resolved ahead of time. Although Blum characterizes his analysis of racial language as being merely clarificatory, therefore, and designed to advance cross-racial dialogue from the outside, as it were, I will argue that instead he is doing something far different. At best, he is staking a partisan position within the debate itself; at worst, he is cutting it off from the start by building the answers to most of the important questions about racism and racial discrimination into his definitions. In addition to these methodological concerns, I also will query the practical results of implementing the linguistic shifts Blum proposes. I will argue, first, that implementation of â€Å"racialized group†-talk will be harder than Blum suggests (even among people who fully accept his arguments and are willing and even eager to abandon â€Å"race† in favor of â€Å"racialized group†), and second, that it is unlikely to have the social psychological effects Blum predicts. In both of these cases, I will consider teachers’ practices in implementing anti-racist curricula as an important test case, since teachers (along with parents and the media) play a crucial role in shaping the racial language and attitudes of the next generation. i Before I tackle these issues, however, a brief summary of (and a couple of quibbles with) â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬  are in order. 3 Blum establishes the moral and conceptual grounding for his project in his first and longest chapter, â€Å"‘Racism’: Its Core Meaning. † In this chapter, Blum provides a deft historical, moral, and conceptual analysis of â€Å"racist† and â€Å"racism. † He is concerned to construct a definition that preserves the strong moral opprobrium that attaches to â€Å"racism† while avoiding the â€Å"conceptual inflation,† â€Å"moral overload,† and â€Å"categorical drift† that have come to characterize the terms â€Å"racism† and â€Å"racist† — i. e. , the indiscriminate application of these terms to a wide variety of categories (such as motives, beliefs, acts, and people) encompassing any and all â€Å"racial ills† from bigotry to prejudice to racial discomfort, as well as even to non-racial ills such as discrimination based on age, religion, nationality, or physical appearance. By contrast, Blum limits the application of â€Å"racism† to things stemming specifically from antipathy and/or an inferiorizing attitude toward a racial group. He shows why antipathy and inferiorizing are both sufficient and necessary to his definition — for example, one may feel benevolent toward blacks in part because one feels superior to them, but feel antipathetic toward Asians because one assumes they are smarter than oneself; both attitudes would be properly classified as racist, and he argues persuasively that all other examples of racism could fit into one or both of these broad categories. Hence, Blum shows, although racism can be attributed to motives, acts, people, symbols, beliefs, images, epithets, remarks, attitudes, individuals, societies, and institutions (all categories that Blum discusses in detail), each attribution must be independently justified; one cannot just assume that a person who displays a racist symbol, for example, is a racist herself, or even that she necessarily has racist motives. In this respect, Blum is sensitive to the mitigating (although still morally suspect) issues of individual ignorance, unreflective adoption of social norms and behaviors, and unconscious attitudes, any of which may cause an individual to appear but not to be racist, or alternatively to be racist in fact, but to have adopted these racist attitudes 4 subconsciously or even unconsciously. ii Finally, in this chapter Blum gives significant attention not just to racism’s definition but also to its particular moral character. He argues that racism is morally evil not just because it violates â€Å"general moral norms† such as equality, respect, and good will, but also because of its â€Å"integral tie† to historical â€Å"race-based systems of oppression† that were clearly evil. â€Å"‘ Racism’ draws its moral valence from this historical context in two ways. First, the mere fact that these historical systems were based on race provides some of that opprobrium, even if current instances of racism no longer take place in the direct context of, for example, segregation, apartheid, or slavery. . . . [S]econd . . . we continue to live with the legacy of those systems† (Blum 2002: 27-8). In chapter 2, Blum asks â€Å"Can Blacks Be Racist? † and answers in the affirmative. No matter what preconditions one places on racism (e. g. that it must be ideologically embedded, or combined with social power), Blum argues, there will be (and are) some black people (as well as members of other minority groups) who meet these criteria and hence must be judged to be racist. Insofar as the denial that blacks can be racist is motivated by a desire to highlight the inherent inequalities among different racist acts and beliefs, however, Blum would agree — and argues that — there are important â€Å"moral asymmetries† in racism. Because of such acts’ â€Å"historical resonance† (p. 44), â€Å"greater power to shame† due to minorities’ positional inferiority (p.46), reflection of on-going patterns and prevalence of racism (p. 48), and contribution to maintaining â€Å"systematic racial injustice† (p. 49), â€Å"Everything else being equal, greater moral opprobrium rightly attaches to racism by whites against people of color than the reverse. This is the most important moral asymmetry in racism† (pp. 43-4). Chapter 3 catalogues â€Å"Varieties of Racial Ills,† which are acts or attitudes that deserve some (often substantial) degree of moral condemnation but do not rise to the level of â€Å"racism† as 5 such. These include racial insensitivity, racial ignorance, racial discomfort, white privilege,exclusionary same-race socializing, and racialism (a term used here to mean â€Å"conferring too much, or inappropriate, importance on people’s racial identity† (p. 59), but which Blum confusingly reuses with a different meaning in chapters 5-9). Chapter 4 then moves into an extremely careful and thoughtful discussion of â€Å"Racial Discrimination and Color Blindness. † He deduces four reasons that discrimination may be wrong: â€Å"(1) it unfairly excludes a qualified individual on the basis of a characteristic irrelevant to the task for which selection is being made; (2) it is done out of prejudice; (3) the prejudice is pervasive and (for that or other reasons) stigmatizing; (4) the discrimination helps to sustain the group whose members are discriminated against in a subordinate position† (p. 89). Hence, he argues, the term â€Å"racial discrimination,† which automatically carries with it the implication of moral condemnation, should be confined â€Å"to forms of discrimination involving race that either stem from race-based prejudiced [sic] or that disadvantage an inferiorized or stigmatized group† (p. 95). In contrast, he argues, forms of racial differentiation that avoid the four pitfalls listed above may be tolerated or even embraced: for example, racial egalitarianism, which does rely to some extent on racial differentiation but not on discrimination as defined above, is preferable to color blindness. Chapters 5-7 form an undesignated second section of â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬ , focusing specifically on the concept, history, and science of â€Å"race† in order to debunk it. Blum analyzes the empirical outcomes of thinking in racial terms in chapter 5, â€Å"‘Race’: What We Mean and What We Think We Mean. † He identifies four moral dangers of racial thinking: (1) â€Å"a moral distance among those of different races — an intensified consciousness of a ‘we’ of one race counterposed to a ‘they’ of another† (p. 102); (2) the â€Å"imposition of false commonality on all those classified as members of the same race† (p. 103); (3) the suggestion of â€Å"an inescapable 6 ‘racial fate’† (p. 104); and (4) â€Å"associations of superiority and inferiority of value† (p. 104). These lead into chapter 6’s fascinating discussion of â€Å"‘Race’: A Brief History, with Moral Implications,† in which Blum shows the historical contingency and relatively recent vintage of racial thinking, at least in the West. (Although Blum’s language about race’s recent arrival on the scene is fairly global, his examples are almost entirely confined to ancient Greece and Rome, Europe, and North America; this leaves the reader a bit confused about the intended scope of his historical analysis and claims. ) Finally, chapter 7 boldly asks, â€Å"Do Races Exist? † and marshals a fair amount of scientific evidence (in conjunction with the historical evidence from chapter 6) to answer a resounding â€Å"no. † This outright rejection of race sets up the challenge he confronts in the final two chapters (and unstated third section) of the book: how simultaneously to rid ourselves of the inimical concept of â€Å"race† while still promoting the causes of racial justice and equality — causes which, as Blum showed in chapter 4, require for their achievement that we name and pay attention (as opposed to blind ourselves) to differences among racial groups. iii In chapter 8, â€Å"Racialized Groups and Social Constructions,† therefore, Blum proposes to replace the concept of â€Å"races† with â€Å"racialized groups,† arguing, â€Å"The term ‘racialized groups’ is preferable as a way of acknowledging that some groups have been created by being treated as if they were races, while also acknowledging that ‘race’ in its popular meaning is entirely false† (p. 160). Blum further justifies use of the term â€Å"racialized groups† in chapter 9, â€Å"Should We Try to Give Up Race? † He argues that racial justice and even a positive sense of racial identity can be promoted by â€Å"racialization†: â€Å"its recognition supplies a more accurate understanding of the character of the racialized social order, encourages a stronger recognition of commonalities of experience and of political and moral commitments across ‘racial’ lines, and, arguably, would in the long run be 7 more politically effective in mitigating racism and racial injustice than would a belief in the reality of race† (p. 170). But Blum recognizes that merely transforming our language is not enough; this act will not itself transform the unjust social structures that inform and shape our language: â€Å"In the real world, ridding ourselves of the myth of race can not be severed from the politically more challenging task of changing the structural relationships among racial groups† (p. 178). Hence, he concludes by implicitly urging a two-pronged approach to promoting racial justice and equality: altering our language, on the one hand, and engaging in direct social action (especially integrationism), on the other. Critique I find most of Blum’s arguments compelling taken on an individual basis. â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬  convinces me that the term â€Å"racism† should be reserved for race-related, morally egregious beliefs/motives/acts/etc. , that there’s a wide range of racial ills, that pursuit of racial equality does not amount to racial discrimination, that â€Å"race† is a morally inimical concept, and that â€Å"racialized group† better captures the historical genesis and conceptual construction we call â€Å"race. † I am not convinced, however, that these arguments taken together satisfy the central articulated aim of the book: namely, to promote cross-racial dialogue about race. This is not, as I’ve said, because I question his reasoning or his conclusions; rather, I question whether his method, of using substantive moral philosophy, is consonant with this aim. First, some reminders about Blum’s stated aim. As I noted at the beginning of this essay, Blum asks in the preface of â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬ , â€Å"If we agree that racism is so important, don’t we need to know what it is? How can we talk intelligently, especially across racial lines, unless we do? . . . . We need to clarify what racism is, to find a basis in history and current use 8 for fixing a definition† (p. viii). He reiterates this concern at the beginning of chapter 2: â€Å"My goal of an adequate account of racism is entirely antithetical to race-based attachment to definitions of ‘racism. ’ I am seeking an account that will facilitate communication between groups about the character, forms and extent of racism (and other race-related ills). For that we need some agreement on what racism is, and from there we can attempt to settle differences about its extent† (p. 35). Blum’s aim is clearly to establish a baseline for discussion — to foster productive communication by providing moral and conceptual clarification and then to get out of the way in order to allow the now â€Å"intelligent† and â€Å"facilitated† debate to proceed on its own. This is an admirable goal, but I don’t think that â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬  achieves it — nor do I think that it could achieve it in its current form. This is so for a few reasons. First, it is misleading to suggest that moral philosophy is necessary to fix a definition of â€Å"racism. † So long as there’s an agreement, or at least mutual comprehension among the interlocutors, as to what each person means in using various terms, then that is sufficient to promote dialogue. For example, if all people accepted that only whites could be racist, then â€Å"cross-racial dialogue† could proceed on that basis; there’s no reason that Blum’s definition of racism (which asserts that all people can be racist) is necessary to promote dialogue. Of course, one of Blum’s implicit points is that there isn’t agreement about what racism is, and that such agreement, or even mutual clarification and comprehension, is very unlikely to arise on its own. Rather than revealing a troubling weakness or gap in the discussion, however, this reveal instead the essential nature of the debate about race and racism: namely, that debating the meaning of these terms is part and parcel of debating the things themselves. In other words, fixing a definition is not a neutral act. It is a partisan act. This is because much of the dispute about racism is bound up in how one defines the problem. If individuals unintentionally benefit 9 from the legacy of racism (e. g.via â€Å"white privilege†), are they morally responsible in some way? Is it racially discriminatory for an association serving mostly Latino youth to try to hire mostly Latino staff? Is it racist for a small business owner to hire people she â€Å"feels comfortable† with, if it turns out she tends to feel comfortable only with people from her own racialized group, since that’s among whom she grew up? These questions lie at the heart of the â€Å"conversation about race†; they cannot and should not be settled ahead of time. Thus, Blum’s second methodological mistake is to think that setting a neutral baseline for discussion is even possible. Blum’s approach is inevitably partisan — simply in trying to clarify meanings, he takes stances on a number of controversial issues — and hence he is within rather than above the fray. This is perfectly appropriate — taking and defending particular stances about how we ought to live our lives is what moral philosophy is, or at least should be, about — but it is not what Blum professes to be doing. Furthermore, Blum’s approach is at least partly opposed to his stated aim of promoting cross-racial dialogue about race and racism, insofar as to the extent that readers accept Blum’s positions as given, their avenues for debate about race and racism will be cut off rather than expanded. I hope (and expect) instead that readers will be drawn to engage with and debate the arguments themselves, as any good work of social and moral philosophy should inspire people to do; they do not, however, provide a neutral starting point for others’ conversations. iv My concerns about the match between Blum’s stated objective and the content of his book are irrelevant to my assessment of his arguments or his conclusions, most of which I think are generally on target. I do wonder, however, about the concrete, â€Å"on the ground† implications of his conclusions, especially but not solely for those responsible for educating the next generation. I will address two especially pressing questions: (1) How would one use the 10 language of â€Å"racialized groups† in a way that was clearly distinct from using the language of race, especially in institutional contexts? (2) Is there convincing psychological evidence to support Blum’s claims about the results of redescribing social and identity groups? For example, is there convincing evidence that thinking of oneself as being a member of a socially constructed racialized group has more positive psychological effects than thinking of oneself as a member of a biologically-determined race? These questions raise issues that are significant for assessing the practical import of Blum’s arguments in general; they are also crucial for determining how his conclusions would alter anti-racist curricula and pedagogy in the classroom, which presumably will be central to the realization of Blum’s moral philosophy. First, Blum’s claim that we can combat racism (at least to some extent) by altering our language about race has moral purchase only if there is some way to â€Å"operationalize† — and especially to institutionalize — this linguistic adjustment. Blum seems to acknowledge this, and to be optimistic about its potential: â€Å"Appreciating the difference between race and racialization, and at the same time attempting to do justice to the unreality of race and the reality of racism, may point us toward new ways of thinking and new forms of institutional practice† (p. 166). He gives one (and only one) example of how one might adopt â€Å"new forms of institutional practice† in relation to the Census, which is a key tool for tracking racial patterns and disparities in society — but also hence for seeming to legitimate racial categorization. In response to this dilemma, Blum suggests, â€Å"Were the federal government to encourage a broad understanding that the purposes for which the Census is now explicitly used do not require a commitment to the existence of races in any form, but only to racialized groups, the legitimate discrimination- monitoring function of Census racial categories could be severed from any implication of racialism† (p. 167). But then frustratingly, Blum gives no specifics about how the Census could 11 do this. Would Blum hope for a statement of disavowal of race? If so, where? Just in the preamble (which already includes a â€Å"baby step† in that direction (see p. 227, fn. 11)), which nobody reads? Or in the census itself, which seems impractical since it is intentionally kept as short as possible in order to maximize response rates? Instead of a statement of disavowal, the Census could replace â€Å"What is this person’s race? † (the question currently asked) with â€Å"What is this person’s racialized group? †, and then use quotation marks (or â€Å"scare quotes†) around terms such as â€Å"black,† â€Å"Spanish/Latino/Hispanic† (which is currently kept separate from the â€Å"race† question), and â€Å"white† to reinforce their constructed status. This is also unsatisfactory, however, for two reasons. First, â€Å"racialized group† will likely be either greeted with confusion or treated as a synonym of â€Å"race,† especially in the absence of an explanation of the term; in the latter case, it is likely to end up acquiring the separatist, hierarchical, and essentialist connotations or â€Å"race† (just like â€Å"disabled† and even â€Å"differently abled† acquired those of the maligned term â€Å"handicapped† they were designed to replace). Second, many of the choices given are not (yet) â€Å"racialized groups,† at least not in the United States, but are nationalities: Samoan, Filipino, Native Hawaiian, Asian Indian, Japanese. Should these terms all be in scare quotes? I would think not — but then how would one deal with the presence of scare quotes some places and their absence others? One could add â€Å"nationality and/or ethnicity† to the â€Å"racialized group† question, and then surround everything with quotation marks — but this then gets cumbersome, to say the least, and is likely to raise other dilemmas. As the Census example shows, institutionalizing â€Å"racialized group† language is hard in print, particularly when it comes to naming and labeling the racialized groups themselves (â€Å"black,† â€Å"white,† â€Å"Vietnamese,† â€Å"Native American†). It is substantially harder in conversation, 12 such as in the oral give-and-take of a classroom. Consider Ellen, a teacher of ten and eleven year-olds, who is eager to incorporate anti-racist education into her teaching. Ellen reads â€Å"I’m Not a Racist, But†¦Ã¢â‚¬  over the winter holiday and then sits down to revise her January lesson plans, which include a unit on non-violent protest designed both to fit into the school’s conflict resolution initiative and to lead up to the celebration of Martin Luther King, Jr. ’s birthday. As she reads over her plans, she quickly inserts a mini-lesson on â€Å"racialized group† at the beginning of the unit and converts â€Å"race† to â€Å"racialized group† throughout the unit. She adds in a two-day lesson called â€Å"What is Racism? †, and develops an interactive group activity for near the end of the unit designed to help students decide when it’s okay to refer to or take someone’s racialized group membership into account and when it’s not. Reviewing her social studies lessons on Ghandi, Martin Luther King, Jr. , and the March on Washington, D. C. , she is pleased. She also thinks her English lesson on an excerpt of King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail will prove challenging but inspiring to her students. But then Ellen suddenly gets worried. Throughout her lessons are references to blacks, whites, Indians, British, Hindus, Christians, Jews. Which of these are racialized groups and which are not? How can she help her students figure out the difference? How can she talk about â€Å"blacks† and â€Å"whites† to her class without her students falling back into racial thinking? She can hand-signal scare quotes each time, but will that just turn into a joke among the students? And which groups would she use the hand signals for? All of these concerns are predicated on the conclusion that language matters — that it influences how we think, reason, behave, and interact with one another. This brings us to my second question about implications of Blum’s conclusions: is there social psychological evidence in favor of them? Throughout the book, Blum clearly operates on the assumption that if people recognize the socially constructed, rather than biologically inherent, nature of racialized groups, 13 then they will better be able to fight against the â€Å"hierarchical† and â€Å"inegalitarian† (p. 107) assumptions inherent in racial thinking. This is partly because racial identity then becomes in some way a matter of choice. â€Å"Whether a group is racialized is a matter of its treatment by the larger society. Whether the group takes on a self-identity as a race is a different matter† (p. 148). In recognizing their racialized treatment, rather than believing themselves defined by an immutable racial identity, individuals who are members of racialized groups can decide how to respond. Will they embrace their racialized identity, as those do who proudly join the Asian- American club, volunteer with La Raza, or wear t-shirts proclaiming â€Å"It’s a BLACK thing — you wouldn’t understand† or â€Å"Hot Latina Mama†? Will they reject it, declaring â€Å"that’s not who I am† and/or trying to assimilate? Or will they try to subvert it in some way, say by reclaiming the term â€Å"nigger† (or â€Å"queer† in the [non-racial] case of gays) and defiantly using it as a term of affection for others inside the group? By choosing the extent and nature of their racial identities, Blum seems implicitly to be arguing, individuals and groups are empowered; whether they choose to appropriate, reject, or subvert the characterizations thrust upon them by racializing others, the very act of choosing liberates them from the racialist (and racist) assumptions of innate difference, inferiority, and/or stigma. Two substantial bodies of work in social psychology, however, cast serious doubt on this claim. The first is system justification theory — the theory that â€Å"psychological processes contribut[e] to the preservation of existing social arrangements even at the expense of personal and group interest† (Jost and Banaji 1994: 1). The second is the notion of â€Å"stereotype threat† — the idea that in certain situations (those posing â€Å"stereotype threat†), members of stigmatized groups worry about confirming a negative stereotype about their group through their performance on a task, and then, precisely because of this anxiety, end up performing worse on 14 the task than they otherwise would (and than others do) — thus paradoxically performing true to negative stereotype (see Steele and Aronson 1995; Steele 1997). I will address each in turn. According to system justification theory, people implicitly support the status quo, including hierarchy differences between low- and high-status groups, even when they are members of low-status groups, and even when they reject the distinctions on a conscious level. Thus, in studies done under both â€Å"authentic† and experimental conditions, women ask for lower wages than men do for the same work (or they work 25 percent longer than men if offered the same wage (Cite forthcoming)); individuals rate even initially unwanted outcomes (such as tuition increases, or a member of the opposing political party winning an election) more desirable the more likely they are to occur (Kay et al.2002); And they rationalize the legitimacy of existing inequalities (e. g. , if told that graduates of University B earn more on average than University A graduates, University A students will rate University B students as being smarter and better writers than they; if told the opposite, however, then University A students will express the opposite prejudice and rate themselves higher (cite forthcoming)). Even individuals who explicitly articulate egalitarian beliefs tend to demonstrate moderate to strong implicit attitudinal biases toward higher-status groups (whites, young people, men); this is true regardless of the individual’s own group membership(s) (Greenwald and Banaji 1995; Banaji 2001). In other words, individuals internalize prejudice, discrimination, racism, and/or oppression (Jost and Banaji 1994; Jost et al. 2002; Kay et al. 2002). â€Å"[M]embers of disadvantaged groups internalize negative stereotypes and evaluations of their own group, to at least some degree† (Jost et. al. 2002: 598). Thus, even if people know that they are members of a group that is treated (merely) as if â€Å"there were inherent and immutable differences between them; as if certain somatic characteristics marked the presence of significant characteristics of mind, emotion, and 15 character; and as if some were of greater worth than others† (Blum 2002: 147), they are still likely to believe, subconsciously at least, that these are accurate assessments of their group membership. It takes a great deal of inner strength to stand up to stigma, discrimination, and prejudice. Even those who consciously reject racialist presumptions may respond differently subconsciously. This may be because of internalized oppression, as discussed above. But it may also be a result of rational adjustments in motivation or expectations. Knowing that one â€Å"is discriminated against, stigmatized, or inherits a history of racial† disadvantage (p. 177) may very well (and rationally) lead one to adopt a presumption of disadvantage — a belief that one’s effort will not be rewarded because of on-going discrimination and racism, and hence a reduction in effort, motivation, and/or aspirations. There is clear evidence of both effort reduction (Stone 2002) and aspiration reduction even among people who consciously reject stereotypes, such as women who profess a liking for mathematics (Nosek et al. 2002). This lowering of expectations is clearly compounded if individuals accept, whether implicitly or explicitly, the idea that they really are inferior in some way (as system justification theory suggests). Furthermore, as Claude Steele’s acclaimed work on â€Å"stereotype threat† shows, there are significant psychological and performative costs even simply in knowing that one is a member of a group that is perceived in a negative light. For example, research over the past few years has consistently shown that black students do worse on verbal tests if told the test is a measure of ability than they do if they are told the test is non-diagnostic (Steele 1997); the same is true for women’s performance on math tests (Keller 2002). Similarly, white students do worse than controls on tests of athletic skills if told that the their performance will indicate their â€Å"natural athletic ability,† but black students do worse if told their performance indicates their â€Å"sports 16 intelligence† (Stone, et. al. 1999). This response to â€Å"stereotype threat† is evident even among very young children (ages six to ten): children above seven years old demonstrate high levels of stereotype consciousness (awareness of others’ stereotypes about various groups), and children who are members of stigmatized groups perform worse when they think they are being measured along stereotypic lines than they do on the exact same test when their stereotype awareness (and hence sense of stereotype threat) is not activated (McKown 2002). These results pose a serious challenge, I believe, to Blum’s claims about the practical import of his moral philosophy. Although it is true that this research has all been done under conditions of â€Å"race† rather than â€Å"racialized groups† being salient (insofar as â€Å"racialized groups† has not become a popular or widespread term), it strikes me as being highly unl.   

Overpopulation: Earth’s Destruction

Amanda Broxton Instructor Sabel Composition II Cause and Effect Essay May 28th, 2009 Overpopulation: Earth’s Destruction Can you picture it? On one side of the world, in the middle of nowhere, a potentially beautiful child is just skin and bones; on the other side, another animal that can not be replaced has gone extinct. Somewhere there is a woman washing her few belongings in a dirty, polluted river. These and many other events like them are taking place all over the world. The cause? Over popularization, on which has been the root of many problems and is caused by many others, but do not worry there might be some hope in fixing it. Due to over popularization, one of Earth’s potential destruction is caused by over-production of the land. From more and more animals going extinct that can not be replaced because there isn’t room for them to live on. Also because of this, there is not enough food and clean water for humans and animals alike. Plus, humans are not conserving resources as they should and are taking prime land to pile more and more people on. Environmentalists have long been concerned about the resources threatened by rapidly growing human populations, focusing on phenomenon such as deforestation, desertification, air pollution and global warming. But the worst-case scenario for people experiencing overpopulation, according to Lawrence Smith, president of the Population Institute, is a lack of fresh, clean water. â€Å"If the water goes, t he species goes,† he said. ’(Hoevel, 2008, para. 9). Equally important is the fact that this is all caused by us Homo sapiens looking for a better lifestyle. We now have new medicines and technologies to help us live longer by healing every little thing that might be wrong with us. Some of those things were introduced by Mother Nature to kill us off to keep everything equal. We also have higher birth rates produced by more people having healthier births and multiple births. Furthermore, these children are living through earlier childhood killing diseases with the aforementioned medicines and technologies. ‘Until recently, birth rates and death rates were about the same, keeping the population stable. People had many children, but a large number of them died before age five. During the Industrial Revolution, a period of history in Europe and North America where there were great advances in science and technology, the success in reducing death rates was attributable to several factors: (1) in-creases in food production and distribution, (2) improvement in public health (water and sanitation), and (3) medical technology (vaccines and antibiotics), along with gains in education and standards of living within many developing nations. Without these attributes present in many children's lives, they could not have survived common diseases like measles or the flu. People were able to fight and cure deadly germs that once killed them. ’(Kinder, 2009, para. 10). Not to worry though, there are some ways that this inequality maybe reversed. They may not be what many people would approve of, but at least they are ideas of what we could do. That this one for instance, at the end of each month we would tally all the births. Then picking at random from those people that are on death-row or even in prison or jail for life for longer then ten years, would have the honor of helping with the equalization of the birth-to-death ratio. If nothing else, after a few years, this should deter hard crime. Each country and/or state would be responsible for The Equalization Program. There is also the idea of reinstating the two birth policy (China had this policy at one time) with a few ‘minor’ adjustments. One being that right after the second birth there would be a mandatory sterilization of the mother and father, and any other men over fifty years of age would also have to be sterilization. Those that wanted another child would then have to adopt those children that unfortunately don’t have a home. In conclusion, sure over popularization has many causes and it may cause many problems, but at least there are some solutions that can be looked at. I did not say that many people would like them but they’re there. In the end, I hope that things can be equaled out so that we do not have to put such a strain on our one and only earth. If we destroy it, there is not another one that we can start over on. Work cited

Management and Leadership development Assignment

Management and Leadership development - Assignment Example As the workforce is the valuable asset of a company, it is vital for the managers to ensure co-ordination among the widely dispersed operations around the world. HR department has to ensure that the changes in the organisations are easily accepted by the employees working within the firms and help them in aligning their tasks with the ever changing and dynamic business environment (Jayawickrama, 2011; Walumbwa et al., 2008). According to Baron and Cayer (2011), leadership development is a process or activity which enhances the leadership quality that is possessed by an individual so that the person can lead a team or show an appropriate course of action to an organisation so that it can move in the right direction. Since, it has become a mandatory requirement in most of the organisations, the activities of the leadership development comprise of MBA programs that are offered at the business schools (Drew, 2011), action learning courses and retreats done by executives (Bolden, 2007; Whitehead, 2009). The leaders have to develop the competencies and skills in their personalities so that they can manage their followers and motivate them to get engaged in activities that will be beneficial for themselves and the community as a whole (Ardichvili & Manderscheid, 2008; Yulk, 2010). There is no precise explanation of the qualities that make a person qualified for the position of a good effective leader (Yammarino et al., 2008). However, it is believed that an effective leader is one who can share perceptions, communicate with others clearly, motivate the subordinates, be responsive to the needs of the group members, encourage team efforts, willing to take risks and possess the ability of setting vision and goals (Popper, 2005; Tahilramani, 2010). It is generally believed that the leaders like any other professional such as an entrepreneur, doctor, engineer, artist and etc. are born and they cannot be made (Dalakoura, 2010). There are some people

Cognitive and Observational Learning Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Cognitive and Observational Learning - Essay Example The learning, which is acquired from observing others, is called observational learning. According to the observational learning theory the behavior of an observer changes when he or she views the behavior of another model. (Woods & Boyd, 2008) We first observe the behavior of other people and consequences and then we apply it to our lives. Positive and negative consequences can affect our behavior. There two main principles behind observational learning theory. First, the observer learns and imitates the behavior of another model if the other person has intelligence, good looks and talent. Second, the observer will only reacts to the rewarded behavior of the other person and if the model behavior is punished which is called the vicarious punishment then there are less chances that the observer will imitates the model's behavior. Cognitive learning theory is concerned with the behavior that involves more than a response and an environmental stimulus. It is related with the experiences of our behavior. The cognitive theory differs from the observational learning theory because it involves analysis of information through thinking and remembering which is our internal event. (Woods & Boyd, 2008) But these internal events are deeply related to the observation of behavior of another model. ... The main focus of cognitive learning is on the organism, which is the processor of several types of information, which helps in modifying the new experiences. It also helps in relating new experiences with the past experiences in order to organize information for storage. The cognitive theorists assume that the learning occurs in the absence of an obvious behavior. Some cognitive theorist believes that reinforcement is not necessary element of the learning process. An organism only demonstrates latent learning when he or she is willing to show it. Our internal states are responsible for differences in behavior. The early cognitive theorists rejected this idea. So, the behavior varies from person to person depending on the physiology and the metal states. Conclusion Learning is the process of understanding and acquiring knowledge and skills. Both the perspectives of learning i.e. observational and cognitive theories are essential for our learning. They are related to each other. Learning starts form observation and collection of information and then this information is processed and analyzed by our minds in order to store the information and later retrieving the stored information. References: The world of psychology 6th edition by Wood, S.e., Wood, E.G., & Boyd, D

International Policy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

International Policy - Essay Example Poverty and how to reduce it has been a concern from the time of Adam Smith until today. My view is that poverty can not be eradicated; it can only be reduced to certain levels. To ensure that all countries globally are developed is ideal. The plan of the Canadian government, being one of the developed countries, is to aid the developing countries to eradicate poverty. There has been great improvement in human development through the implementations of the MDGs. A significant number of people are living on more than a dollar a day for example, the number of people who lived below a dollar a day decreased by 50% in East Asia and reduced by 7% in South Asia ( Canada International Development Agency). Prevalence of hunger has reduced by half in 57 countries in the last three decades. I believe that if MDGs are followed, the world will have fewer people suffering due to poverty and diseases like HIV/AIDS, TB, and malaria. Canada, joining other developed countries in fighting poverty, is a way of enhancing decency and fairness all over the world. With the MDGs implementations, literacy levels have been seen to increase. A majority of the women and young girls have attained basic education. Women play a vital role in developing a nation. Thus the high literacy levels show that developing countries will start experience high Gross National Product or Gross Domestic Product (GNP/GDP) as long as the women and girls are gaining from the education. Criticisms Regarding the International Policy Statement Trying to eradicate poverty globally has many obstacles. From the time of Adam Smith, economic, social and political policies have been a major source of concern. First of all, giving donor aid to the developing countries has been nothing but a failure since it started. There is no single developing country that has come up by being given grants and loans. The developing countries have had a challenge of repaying the money given to them by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank due to increasing interest rates and low or negative GDP levels. They are unable to pay the money because: The money is never used for its aimed purpose. The money usually lands in the hands of politicians who use the money for their own self interests and most countries cannot account for it. There is so much corruption in the leadership of the countries. Money does not trickle down to those who truly need it because the leaders take it and use it for their own personal needs. The money is given with strict conditions. The country in need ends up spending money to improve what the donors think they should improve and not what the people really need. For instance, a country will be told to prepare roads to enhance its transport system but what it really needs are boreholes to get water for its citizen's daily use. The money never trickles down to the citizens of the particular country. This is so because the donor country comes in with its machinery and workers leaving citizens of that particular country unemployed. The donor country ends up paying its own citizens instead of using workers and machinery in the developing country. Aid heightens the levels of dependency. The developing c

GNC Corp1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

GNC Corp1 - Essay Example Let us consider the first option that is to hire native Chinese worker into the company. In order to successfully run the operation GNC Corporation will face the issue of cultural differences that exist between America and China. In One survey it has been recognized that cultural differences is the biggest barrier which any company faces while doing business. The management practices of America and China is different. So they need to take into consideration the cultural differences between them to be successful. There is a great difference between China and US with respect to political system, economic system, laws and social values despite the fact that major changes have occurred in China in recent years. China works in a centralized way while US is relatively decentralized. China follows collectivism principle. But in US they follow the principle of individualism. US enterprises have short-term orientation as compared to China’s long-term orientation (Baines 45). . These di fferences in culture greatly affect human behavior and the thinking process, and GNC must provide a platform where people from both the countries can interact on the basis of shared values. These cultural differences will impact the management practices in terms of cooperative strategies, decision making, conflict management, motivation systems and work group characteristics. American managers use open forms when faced with conflicts which are new to Chinese workers as they use assistance from third party. Also Chinese people pay more attention in building social and interpersonal relations. Also for motivating the employees the Chinese follows equity principle which is ignored by the American companies (Ambler 78). But hiring Chinese workers can do a lot of good also for GNC Company. Chinese workers will bring diversity in the business which is required for them to operate in China. They know the local people, what they need and which product will be able to sell most. Also rules a nd regulations that GNC has to follow in Chinese market can be easily followed if there is a presence of Chinese advisors in the company. With such Chinese workers they can reach out to the people in a far effective way. They will direct the strategies which the company needs to take so that their profitability increases. Another strategy that they will employ is to sell their product online, so that they can reach wider consumer base. In China the internet penetration is increasing and it has the second highest internet user base in the world. This opens up avenues of e-commerce base business style. Also the consumer can use the mobile phone as the strategy to reach to new consumers. GNC has to capture Chinese market by reaching out to the Chinese people through the use of their smart phones and digital devices. The rules and regulation of the Chinese government is strict as compared to the US market. They sometimes ban use of social media if they feel like it is a threat to the na tional security. Hence GNC must be careful to implement the online marketing which they will use. They can use Face book, twitter and their local social media sites in China to reach out to wider consumer base. Also telephone marketing is also a way of marketing through which they can use it as a medium to convey about the new products which they are offering to the consumer. Since today

Maynard Constructs A School Web Page Case Study

Maynard Constructs A School Web Page - Case Study Example administration can develop new websites and technologically relevant platform for the communication with the participant community and the stakeholders under flexible and friendly circumstances. The effective and full implementation of this approach will ultimately lead to the improvement of the administration of the institution and the improvement of the general performance of the respective institution. The case gives an in depth blend of how the approach combines tacit knowledge and a wealth of effective theoretical approach for the development of successful means of communication with entities both internal and external to the institution, means of building and maintaining stable relationship with the political and social capital and the best means of translating the above stated values into positive changes in the school set up and for the purpose of development and improvement(Kowalski, 2004). Through the exploration of the above themes the case looks into how the development of new and effective technologies can help in the success of an institution. The study has comprehensively factored in issues that affect the real world and ensured that for the development of a successful module in the institutions, the best practicable approach and technology has to be applied. In conclusion, the case has ensured that there is the need of harnessing technology to meet the needs of the public and the comprehensive factoring in of collection of data, public opinions and regular

Discuss the impact of Christian Fundamentalism on American polotics Essay

Discuss the impact of Christian Fundamentalism on American polotics - Essay Example They are to be engaged with one another not only within the bond of civility but, much more importantly, within the bonds of the love of Christ. The truth of the gospel transcends our disagreements about all lesser truths. And it is by that truth that we are knit together in mutual dependence and accountability. By that truth, the church is enabled to be a zone of truth in a world of impassioned mendacities--not the least of all in the world of impassioned political mendacities. There was a time when political involvement by conservative Christians was seen as a worldly or even sinful activity, now, political celibacy, if you will, is considered a dereliction of Christian responsibility. This mega-shift in perception has not been a recent phenomenon but evolved with time. During late 19th century until 1920s, the influence of conservatives collapsed. However, after 1950s, it revived miraculously due to contemporary political situation and worked its way up to reach a stage today that most of battles in the world are being portrayed as the ones with the evil, and there seems to be public support for many such aggressions which have almost divided this world into "with us or not with us". Religion is the most dangerous energy source known to humankind. ... The history, worldwide, of religion-fueled hate, killing, and oppression is staggering." - Eugene Peterson (from the introduction to the book of Amos in the Bible paraphrase The Message) Within the span of one generation, between the 1890s and the 1930s, the extraordinary influence of evangelicalism in the public sphere of American culture collapsed. Not only did the cultural opinion makers desert evangelicalism, even many leaders of major Protestant denominations attempted to tone down the offenses to modern sensibilities of a Bible filled with miracles and a gospel that proclaimed human salvation from eternal damnation only through Christ's atoning work on the cross. Therefore, making the connections between faith and politics in the late 1970s was quite novel at the time and controversial among conservative Protestants, especially fundamentalists. It is often argued that fear of religious conservative culture and not loss of socio-economic status led to political organisation of Protestant Christians during 1960s and later. Another reason for their organisation was they were not getting their due recognition in affairs of the state. Another section points out that political activism was spearheaded by the development of so called unethical and immoral cultures in the society. What stirred religious conservatives most was a sense that Supreme Court decisions were giving power to the opponents of traditional Christian values. The Court banned state sponsored prayer and Bible reading in the schools (Engel v. Vitale, 1962), legalized abortion (Roe v. Wade, 1973), and allowed for more government regulation in private Christian schools (Lemon v. Kurtzman, 1971). As a result, they became engaged in

Iran-Iraq War Essay Example for Free

Iran-Iraq War Essay The Iran-Iraq War is considered as one of the longest and most violent battles in history. This eight-year long armed conflict was actually the result of many events. The rivalry between Iran and Iraq can be traced from the seventh century. It was a rivalry grounded on the antagonism between Persians and Arabs, just as it was based on the conflict between Sunni Muslims and Shi’a Muslims. These ethnic and religious divisions were further intensified by territorial disputes, which would continue until the 20th Century. In addition, politics played a role in initiating the war itself. The rivalry existed many years ago, but the war was aggravated by the changes in governance in both countries. The Iran-Iraq War was a violent combat between the aforementioned nations from September 1980 until August 1988. The conflict was only stopped with the intervention of the United Nations. The battle proved to be a long and tedious one, as the tension between the countries extended for years. There were also countless casualties as a result of the disastrous occurrence. When the war ended, neither nation could truly be declared the victor. Both Iran and Iraq did not succeed in gaining new territories or political advantages. It is important to note that Iraq was the nation responsible for starting the war. However, the aggression of Saddam Hussein was not the main cause of the war’s occurrence. In fact, there is no single cause to be blamed for the war. The origins of the Iran-Iraq War are deeply rooted in ethnic, religious and territorial conflicts which date back from the seventh century; it was exacerbated in the modern era due to ambitions of dominance. This term paper aims to discuss the reasons behind the Iran-Iraq War on two accounts: the dispute over the Shatt al-Arab river and the political tension caused by the Islamic Revolution and the rise of Ba’ath regime. The Iran-Iraq War occurred because of various reasons. The conflict between the two nations involved was characterized by other conflicts. The tension that had long persisted between Iran and Iraq were caused by differences in religious beliefs and political positions, as well as disagreements on the borders (Iran Chamber Society [ICS], 2009). The problem between the countries was fueled by the problems between the following opposing parties: Sunnis and Shia Muslims, Arabs and Persians, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Saddam Hussein (Ehteshami Hinnebusch, 1997). Moreover, both Iran and Iraq sought to gain supremacy in the region (Brown, 2008). The Iranian-Iraq War which started in September 1980 was a testament to the extended conflict regarding the boundaries of their territories and their share in the Shatt al-Arab river (Hunseler, 1984). The war was also a result of the struggle of both parties to become the most dominant and influential in the region. However, it is important to point out that there is a significant difference between the 1980 war and the conflicts prior to it. The early conflicts between Iran and Iraq were settled with the interference of European countries which only meddled to safeguard their respective interests. As for the 1980 war, both sides fought to preserve their own interests. No external power intervened with that war. Two main reasons why the conflict became prolonged are the mutual disputes over territory (especially the Shatt al-Arab) and the involvement of both sides in the domestic problems of the other (Hunseler, 1984). The Beginning of the Persian-Arab Conflict The origins of the conflict between Iran and Iraq started many centuries before both nations were established. It is important for one to be familiar with the history of the conflict why the 1980 war began in the first place. According to Hunseler (1984), the Iran-Iraq tension had its roots in the seventh century with the Arab-Persian conflict. It was this centuries old rift which ignited the battle over the Shatt al-Arab. Persia stood out from the others because despite being under the control of the Arabs, it retained its national identity (Hunseler, 1984). In AD 636, the Sassanids of Persia lost to the armies of Arab General Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas at the Battle of Qadisiya. Meanwhile, the Persian Empire became dissolved in AD 642 due to the Battle of Nihawand. While they held on to their state’s culture and territorial honor, the Persian population embraced Islam in the aftermath of the collapse of the Persian Empire. The Arabs and the people they conquered viewed Islam and Arabism as a union. However, despite being under the influence of Islam, the culture of Persia cannot be restrained (Hunseler, 1984). An important thing to consider in understanding the history of Persia and its political and social existence is what Hunseler (1984) called the â€Å"juxtaposition of Persia and Islam† (p. 8). The principle was said to have been derived from the notion of the state based on Zoroastrianism. According to the Zoroastrian notion of a state, it must have the following: â€Å"a secularly-legitimized kingship, the survival of the Persian language and the proud awareness of a distinct Persian history† (Hunseler, 1984, p. 8). After two centuries, the Sunni-Arab Abbasid caliphate had become interested in the Persian literature (Hunseler, 1984). In time, the Persian families which belonged to the caliphate of the Abbasids began to assume control by grabbing power repeatedly. From AD 954 until 1055, the Buyid dynasty possessed enough authority to manipulate politics in the western portion of Persia and Iraq. In addition, they also had the power to strictly limit the function of the caliphs of Abbasid to religion only. This was the reason why the legacy left by the Buyids in Iraq was considered as the conflict between Persianism and Arabism (Hunseler, 1984). In the 17th century, the Safavids in Persia declared Shi’ism as the state religion (Hunseler, 1984). The Safavids exerted influence on Persia for 15 long years; they stayed in the state from 1623 to 1638 (Hiro, 1991). The declaration was seen as Persia’s attempt to establish its boundaries and separate itself from Arab nations while keeping the matters under the influence of Islam. Shi’ism became a crucial part of Islamic history, as it was the first to present a rift in the unified world of Islam. This was because Shi’ism founded itself in a separate state. The kings of the Safavids considered themselves as mainly secular leaders; they assigned the religious functions to the theologians. In turn, the Shi’a ministers did not want to give up their posts which were assigned to them under the Safavid rule. Most especially during the time of the Qajar leaders, the clergy were given money and land. The awarding of such gifts allowed them to be financially independent from the king; it also gave them the opportunity to exert political influence. Meanwhile, no such similar progress had occurred in the Sunni Arab states (Hunseler, 1984). The Sunni-Shi’a Problem The existing Persian-Arab conflict had taken a complicated turn with the addition of yet another conflict: the Sunni-Shi’a problem (Hunseler, 1984). The problem was not exactly about tension between the differing branches of Islam. Instead, there was antagonism due to the amount of influence that a particular religion has on the development of political power in the state. The conflict continues at present day, as there are still areas wherein the Arab communities consist of both Sunni and Shi’a factions (Hunseler, 1984). Those who head the Shi’a clergy in Arab countries such as Iraq and Bahrain found difficulty in assuming certain social positions (Hunseler, 1984). In Persia, the Shi’a clergy had no problems exerting influence in society because Shi’ism was revered with national significance. In addition, Shi’a leaders faced with two issues regarding loyalty. First, they encouraged the spread of Shi’ism in states whose population were not exclusively Shi’a. Therefore, they became involved in the centuries-old conflict between the Shi’a and Sunni. Second, they were victims of the suspicions of Arab rulers who thought they were submitting to the influence of non-Arabs (Persians). They were often seen by their Arab counterparts as promoting non-Arab causes. This situation caused the Arab Shi’as to be constantly detached from their political leaders. The separation was also caused by doubt on secular leadership, as well as Shi’a millennialism (Hunseler, 1984). The Persian-Arab conflict and the attempts of both sides to become more dominant and influential than the other in the Middle East became evident in areas where the Sunni and Shi’a groups, and the Arabs and Persians, fought against each other (Hunseler, 1984). Even though the Persians and Arabs in the Arabian peninsula had the Persian-Arab Gulf to set them apart in terms of geography, the conflict eventually made itself apparent on the boundaries on land. This was the primary reason why the conflict persisted for many years; both sides incessantly tried to acquire the territories of the other and the quest for a mutual border dragged on (Hunseler, 1984). The Origin of the Conflict over the Shatt al-Arab The conflict between Iran and Iraq over the Shatt al-Arab river originated in the 17th century and began as the rift between the Ottoman Empire and Persia (Hunseler, 1984). The sultan of Turkey, Murad IV, captured Baghdad in 1638 and the initial resolution regarding the boundaries with Persia was drafted a year later. The Kurds and the Armenians occupied the north while the Arabs dominated the south. The boundary fell on areas wherein the tribes did not consider either the Persians or Turks as their masters. As a result, the border settlement was drafted with consideration to the tribes and the names of the places. The agreement also took in consideration the intention of both parties to unite the tribes of Istanbul or Esfahan. The Kurdish-Armenian boundary caused many conflicts after it was established, but order was always restored in reference to the 1639 resolution. Unfortunately, the 1639 agreement proved lacking in setting the boundaries in the Shatt al-Arab region. On one hand, Persians believed the river itself was a natural border. On the other hand, the Turks upheld the claim that the river belonged to the Ottoman Empire. According to the Turkish point of view, the Arab tribes which occupy both sides of the river are considered a single entity from Arabistan. Arabistan is part of the Ottoman Empire. Hence, the Shatt al-Arab was to be considered as under the possession of the Ottoman Empire (Hunseler, 1984). In the 19th Century, boundary problems continued. In 1823, a boundary problem surrounding the Muhammarah surfaced and Persians settled in the city (Hunseler, 1984). Both Russia and Great Britain extended their assistance on the matter. On May 15, 1843, a boundary committee was formed and gathered in Erzerum, a city in Turkey. The committee consisted of representatives from Turkey, Persia, Russia and Britain. A treaty was created on May 31, 1847, and contained three major guidelines. First, Muhammarah and its harbor, as well as Khidhr Island, were awarded to Persia. Meanwhile, Turkey was granted admission to Zuhab and Sulaymaniyah. Second, the committee was designated â€Å"in situ† to delineate the specific course of the boundary (Hunseler, 1984, p. 11). Lastly, the Ottoman Empire was given the entire Shatt al-Arab extending to the marker on the east, except for the territories mentioned above (Hunseler, 1984). The treaty of 1847 was rather ambiguous, and its inherent vagueness proved to be its biggest flaw (Hunseler, 1984). The treaty did not address the question of which nation had the responsibility over the eastern shore. While the Shatt al-Arab was placed under Turkish jurisdiction, the specifications of the border were not indicated. Turkey wanted to resolve the issue over the treaty’s vague statements regarding Arabistan/ Khuzistan. As a result, Russia and Great Britain included an â€Å"explanatory note† to assert that the problem raised by Turkey was not compromised by the treaty’s lack of clarity (Hunseler, 1984, p. 11). Turkey declined to approve the treaty until Persia acknowledged the note as part of the treaty (Hunseler, 1984). Mirza Muhammad Ali Khan acknowledged the note and signed the treaty as a delegate of the Persia. After the Persian administration discovered the inclusion of the added note, it nullified the treaty and failed to approve it. They argued that the Persian representative had no power to sign the document (Hunseler, 1984). To address the issue, the boundary committee inspected the Turkish-Persian border from 1850 until 1852 (Hunseler, 1984). Unfortunately, the commission was not able to do its job properly because of the opposing claims of Turkish and Persian commissioners. Persia maintained that they were given the entire expanse found east of the Shatt al-Arab, while Turkey opposed the claim. The committee was unable to provide a definite proposition to solve the problem. While the committee continued its efforts in the northern area of the Shatt al-Arab, the determination of the boundaries of the river’s region was postponed indefinitely (Hunseler, 1984). Persia was relentless in its efforts to claim territories and continued to bring up its border issues in the succeeding years. Persia sought Russia and Britain to mediate on the border problem (Hunseler, 1984). Persia wanted to share control of the Shatt al-Arab with Turkey; the state also wanted to discuss the rights with regards to the harbor. Unfortunately, Britain and Russia were not in agreeable terms since the mid-19th Century. Hence, both nations were not prepared to mediate in behalf of the Shatt al-Arab tension. On August 31, 1907, the Anglo-Russian convention had an agreement. This agreement divided Persia into three separate zones. In the northern part of Persia, Russia maintained a sphere of influence. In the southern area, Britain had its own sphere. Meanwhile, the middle area was considered as neutral ground. It was not until after this division was established that the Anglo-Russian concern for the Turkish-Persian border was revived (Hunseler, 1984). Russia became once again involved with Persian-Turkish affairs because it was specifically interested with the province of Azerbaijan in Persia (Hunseler, 1984). The interest was the result of strategic and economic factors in relation to Turkey. On the contrary, Britain was different from Russia because its interests were not limited to Persia alone. Britain was also focused on the Turkish territory of the Shatt al-Arab because it played a crucial part in British interests in the Gulf area. In July 1911, an Anglo-Turkish mediation in attempt to come up with a resolution that would define the territorial claims and rights in the Arab-Persian Gulf region began. On July 29, 1913, the resolution was signed by Turkey and Britain. The agreement included the decisions regarding the status of Arab sheikdoms. The resolution also included the agreements about the Shatt al-Arab and its significance to the increasing British authority in Arabistan and Iraq. The resolution proved to be beneficial for Turkey, but only because Britain acted on it for its own advantage. Meanwhile, Russia was outraged by the Anglo-Turkish agreement and initially renounced it. Britain caught Russia by surprise by awarding the Shatt al-Arab in its entirety to Turkey. Russia had its own interests to protect in Shatt al-Arab and the Gulf area, and the agreement served as a hindrance to the Russian cause. However, Britain gave Russia the guarantee that it would offer assistance in the latter’s interest in the northern section of the Turkish-Persian border. After Britain gave its guarantee, Russia acknowledged the Anglo-Turkish agreement (Hunseler, 1984). On December 21, 1911, Persian Foreign Minister and Turkish representatives from Tehran gathered in Istanbul to create a boundary commission to resolve the Turkish-Persian border problem (Hunseler, 1984). The commission began to meet in March 1912; by August, the commission had convened a total of 18 times. In the beginning, the efforts of the commission seemed futile due to Persia’s disapproval of a specific â€Å"note explicative† of April 26, 1847 (Hunseler, 1984, p. 13). However, Russia exerted influence and Tehran was forced to agree on the note on August 15, 1912. The early progress of the Turkish-Persian commission was accompanied by statements already found in the Four-Power Protocol of Constantinople dated on November 17, 1913. With regards to the area of the Shatt al-Arab, the definition of the border was determined in conformity with the Second Treaty of Erzerum of 1847. According to the treaty, the Shatt al-Arab is considered as a Turkish territory excluding the limitations concerning Abadan and Muhammarah. By November 1913, two-thirds of the border assignment was completed. The task of settling the complete boundary was given to a Four-Power Delimitation Commission. This commission had to define the border based on what was 1869’s â€Å"carte identique† (Hunseler, 1984, p. 13). The commission started working in 1914. Unfortunately, the First World War broke out. The emergence of the war hindered Persia and Turkey from acknowledging the border (Hunseler, 1984). The Aftermath of World War I: The Iranian-Iraq Disagreement on the Shatt al-Arab The conflict and rivalry between Iran and Iraq officially started after the First World War (Hunseler, 1984). The outcome of the war significantly altered the issue over the borders concerning the Shatt al-Arab. Hunseler (1984) explained: â€Å"The British mandate of Iraq, which had come about in Mesopotamia, entered into the Turkish boundary claims against Iran, although it also impinged upon British navigational privileges on the Shatt al-Arab† (p. 14). The aftermath of the Great War also allowed Iran to experience a dramatic political transformation. In 1921, Muhammad Reza Khan came into power. Under his reign, Iran became resistant to the established agreements regarding the Shatt al-Arab (Hunseler, 1984). It was also in 1921 when Khaz’al, the Sheik of Muhammarah, lost. Khaz’al was a known supporter of the British cause. With his defeat, Iran was granted the opportunity to fervently defend its own interests on the Shatt al-Arab conflict. Due to the new found empowerment of Iran, Britain was suddenly placed in a position wherein it should implement its rules without putting its Iranian interests in jeopardy (Hunseler, 1984). Meanwhile, Iraq asserted its control over the Shatt al-Arab (Hunseler, 1984). Due to the claim, Iran declined to recognize the state of Iraq. In 1929, Iran did give diplomatic recognition to Iraq, but only because it sought to gain the attention of Britain. Iran hoped that by acknowledging Iraq as a state, Britain would be sympathetic towards the Iranian cause. Britain was still interested in Iran because of economic reasons; the former is involved with the latter through the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. Moreover, Britain was still interested with the Shatt al-Arab issue. This was because it could provide the British complete access to the refineries located in Abadan. On August 11, 1929, the Iranian and Iraqi governments had interchanged several notes. This exchange gave way to the establishment of a temporary arrangement to manage the relations between the two states involved. The arrangement included settlements on trade and navigation. However, the negotiations failed because Iraq and Britain refused to recognize the jurisdiction of Iran on the half of the river (Hunseler, 1984). When Britain decided to remove its authority on Iraq and break away from their alliance in 1930, it imposed the right of the British navy to pass through the Shatt al-Arab anytime, regardless if it was wartime or peacetime (Hunseler, 1984). However, Iran had no intention in being involved in a peaceful settlement. The Iranian government also declined to accept the legitimacy of the border. On March 25, 1924, Iran announced its non-acceptance of determination of the boundary as stated in the Constantinople Protocol. The Iranian government also refused to recognize similar settlements created on September 20 and December 2 in 1931. The situation worsened when Iran sent four gunboats to pass through Shatt al-Arab and proceed until Muhammarah. Due to this incident, problems regarding the pilot and the flags of the ships were added to the already intense conflict (Hunseler, 1984). The boundary issue as well as the flag and pilot inquiries which remained unanswered increased the tension surrounding the conflict (Hunseler, 1984). On November 29, 1934, the Iranian government was forced to seek assistance from the League of Nations in an effort to address the problem. Unfortunately, the League of Nations and the representatives it sent failed to bring any positive change in the current situation. The only thing which provided temporary resolution to the problem was the Middle East pact of 1935, which Iran had introduced with the help of Turkey. The pact presented an opportunity wherein all points of disagreement could be settled. On July 4, 1937, a treaty on the Iranian-Iraqi border was agreed upon in Tehran. The treaty upheld the conditions indicated in the 1913/14 Protocols of Constantinople. According to the treaty, the Iran-Iraq border would remain along the east bank of the Shatt al-Arab. There were specific considerations made for Abadan and Muhammarah. Iran was also awarded an anchorage zone in Abadan which was four miles long. In addition, the treaty rendered the river as open territory, as it allowed access to naval ships of Iran and Iraq and traders of all countries. A transit fee was imposed, but this would be utilized for purposes of maintenance as well as the development of the shipping lanes in the river. In another decision, both sides agreed to accept the protocol within two years after the agreement had been reached (Hunseler, 1984). The adoption of the covenant was not implemented (Hunseler, 1984). On December 8, 1938, the commission in charge of the Iranian-Iraqi boundary started working on the confluence of the Shatt al-Arab and the Khayeen. The efforts of the commission were stalled by opposing translations of the treaty and the definite determination of the border. The Iranian government submitted suggestions regarding the balance of power between Iran and Iraq with regards to supervising and safeguarding the Shatt al-Arab shipping lanes. Meanwhile, the Iraqi administration saw this move as a threat to the sovereignty of the Iraqis on the river (Hunseler, 1984). In the 1950s, Iran and Iraq had another opportunity to resolve their issues regarding the Shatt al-Arab border (Hunseler, 1984). In 1955, both countries, along with Britain, Pakistan and Turkey agreed upon the Baghdad Pact (Karsh, 2002). This pact was initiated by the West and was established to strengthen defense and security in the region. In October 1957, King Faisal of Iraq paid a state visit to Iran (Hunseler, 1984). In this encounter, both nations reached an agreement regarding the Shatt al-Arab problem. Iran and Iraq agreed on two points. First, there will be a commission to be based in Baghdad which is assigned to work out the details of the joint supervision of the Shatt al-Arab. Second, a Swedish adjudicator will be in charge of delineating the border; this arbitrator is to be situated in Tehran and must work with the joint commission. Once again, an agreement between Iran and Iraq was hindered by yet another occurrence. On July 14, 1958, a revolution broke out in Baghdad (Hunseler, 1984). The change in Iraqi governance eventually disrupted the recently resumed development of Iranian-Iraqi ties (Hunseler, 1984). Also, the political change once again awakened the border conflict on the Shatt al-Arab and the land borders. Four short months after General Abd al-Karim took control, the revolutionary administration of Iraq declared that they would extend their claim on the river to 12 miles. On November 28, 1959, Iranian Shah Reza Pahlevi revived their request to have the border line of the river drawn along the middle. He justified his demand on grounds of Iraq’s clear violation of the 1937 treaty. He also argued that because they were already in the 20th Century, a river which served as a boundary such as Shatt al’Arab cannot be attached to the absolute sovereignty of either nation. General Qasim addressed the demand of the shah with another demand. Iraq sought to regain the anchorage zone awarded to Iran in the 1937 treaty. Despite their counter demand, Qasim still wanted to resolve the dispute through peaceful means. Iraq was willing to withdraw their claim of the anchorage zone if Iran would acknowledge the Iraq’s demands on the river and the treaty of 1937. The peaceful settlement was not reached. On December 10, 1959, Abbas Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Aram declined Iraq’s offer. Nine days later, General Qasim reasserted Iraq’s legal right to the anchorage zone without insisting on its return. He also appealed for Iran to value the early treaties. General Qasim suggested that they could address the problem with the help of the United Nations. However, Iran provoked Iraq again when the local newspaper Ettelaat stated that â€Å"the existence of Iraq was in any event a historical misunderstanding and the whole of Iraq a Persian province† (as cited in Hunseler, 1984, p. 17). An armed struggle between Iran and Iraq was quelled before the further tension could develop. On March 5, 1959, Iran became involved with the United States in a defense settlement (Hunseler, 1984). Soon after, Iran felt coerced by Russia. Iran had reasons to be concerned. It was threatened by Soviet influence and the possible circulation of further revolutionary ideals. Meanwhile, Iraq was also concerned with the threat of the United Arab Republic, a state established in 1958 as a result of the merger between Syria and Egypt. Abd al-Karim Qasim was frightened that Syria might provide assistance to Iraqi Nasserites if and when a war with Iran occurs. Hence, there was no real war between both parties at that time. The tension manifested itself through a media war between Iran and Iraq (Hunseler, 1984). In 1967, Britain declared its wishes to pull out from the Gulf area. Prime Minister Harold Wilson expressed the desire of the British administration to remove its military troops located ‘east of Suez’ (as cited in Hunseler, 1984, p. 17). With this announcement, Iran wanted to replace British forces with their own troops on the moment of the latter’s departure (Hunseler, 1984). The 1967 blockage of the Suez Canal was a welcome development, as it prevented Soviet activity in the Gulf region. In terms of security concerns, Iran wanted to unify and lead the Arab countries in the region. The supposed partnership had the goal of preventing the spread of Soviet control and power of revolutionary nations and factions, such as South Yemen and Iraq. The Arab countries in the Gulf were cautious in dealing with Iran. While they were hesitant to collaborate with Iran which was associated with Israel, they did not want to create a rift among the states (Hunseler, 1984). Iran continued to strongly pursue its ambition of becoming an unshakeable force in the Gulf region (Hunseler, 1984). In 1969, it condemned the 1937 treaty. The shah knew that if Iran wanted to govern and manipulate the shipping lanes in the Gulf, it must have exclusive control of the river. This move would also liberate the Iranian ports on Abadan and Khorramshahr from Iraqi jurisdiction. On one instance, an Iranian vessel sailed despite the absence of an Iraqi pilot. It departed from the Khorramshahr port with the assistance of Iranian patrol vessels and successfully arrived at the Persian-Arab Gulf. Iraq was aware of the violation, but it did not wage a war against Iran due to the weakness of the military (Hunseler, 1984). After 1972, the shah became more determined to cripple Iraq. After the completion of the Iraqi-Soviet friendship treaty, the Shah approached American President Richard Nixon to ask for assistance in the Kurdish cause in Iraq (Hunseler, 1984). This action was done with the objective of weakening the Iraqi army through an attack on its internal disputes. In August 1972, another uprising emerged in Kurdistan. The Iraqi administration and Kurdish chief Mullah Mustafa Barzani met in March 1970 and agreed on the autonomy of Kurdistan beginning in 1974. However, the agreement was threatened by the support of Iran and the United States for Barzani. Because of this, the Kurdish insurgents continued to hold on to their weapons and proceed with the civil war. Meanwhile, the Iraqi forces benefited from the Iraqi-Soviet friendship treaty, for it allowed for a steady supply of ammunition from Russia. The weapons were instrumental in guaranteeing the military success of Iraq. Nevertheless, the malfunctioning of the army’s weapons and the failure of the Soviet Union to provide more ammunition endangered the progress Iraq had in its fight against the Kurds. In the early part of March 1975, the Iraqi government was prompted to consider Iran’s proposition that it would refrain from supporting the Kurds if the former would approve the latter’s suggestion to resolve the border issue by placing the border line along the thalweg (Hunseler, 1984). On June 13, 1975, Iran and Iraq agreed on yet another treaty in Baghdad (Hunseler, 1984). The treaty consisted of four crucial agreements. First, the boundaries will be definitely marked based on the Constantinople Protocol of 1913 and the 1914 proposal created by the committee regarding the establishment of the boundary. Second, the river boundaries would be situated in the middle, or the thalweg. According to Willet (2004), the thalweg was the â€Å"central deepest part of the river† (p. 7). Third, there are two things to be rebuilt: the mutual trust between both nations as well as the security of the land boundaries they shared. Also, the invasion on both sides will be stopped. Lastly, the problem will be settled upon with the acknowledgement of the aforementioned points. When Iraq signed the treaty, the country accepted the thalweg agreement for the first time. After five years, it became evident that the said recognition was merely the result of coercion from Iran’s side. The acceptance of Iraq was also caused by the failure of the Soviet Union to provide weapons. Nonetheless, the compromise made regarding the Shatt al-Arab paved the way for the Kurdish civil war to stop. Meanwhile, the relevance of the river in terms of Iranian strategy was relatively reduced. This was because Iran transferred its navy from Khorramshahr to the Bandar Abbas port in August 1978 (Hunseler, 1984). The Iran-Iraq War from a Political Perspective The dispute over the borders and boundaries of the river of Shatt al-Arab was instrumental in the emergence of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980. While the territorial conflicts played a crucial role in causing the war, the political conditions in both countries must also be considered as initiators. The transition in the governments helped influence the leaders on how to deal with the Shatt al-Arab issue. In Iran, there was a dramatic shift in leadership as the Shah was removed from power through a revolution led by a radical Muslim. In Iraq, several coups have altered governance while the rise of the Ba’ath Socialist Party to power resulted in the domination of Saddam Hussein. Both countries longed to dominate the other and emerge as the most powerful in the region (Jacoby, 2008). The Iranian-Iraqi situation under the Rule of the Shah In the 1970s, the tension between Iran and Iraq was heightened (Karsh, 2002). This was because of the Shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, became aggressive and tried to present Iran as the dominant force in the Persian Gulf. The Shah had been governing the Iran for decades. However, he was temporarily overthrown from power. In 1953, the head of the Iranian Parliament started a coup to remove the Shah (Willett, 2004). The coup succeeded and Pahlavi vacated the Iranian leadership for a brief time. However, the United States

Difference Between Wordpad and Notepad Essay Example for Free

Difference Between Wordpad and Notepad Essay What is the difference between Notepad and WordPad? Answer: Both programs are text editors that are included with the Windows operating system. Notepad is the most basic text editor, which allows you to open and create text files. While you can create several paragraphs of text with Notepad, using line breaks (by pressing the Enter key), the program does not give you text formatting options. For example, you cannot change the font size or make the text bold. WordPad is similar to Notepad, but gives you more formatting options. You can use bold and italics formatting, and change the font, size, and color of the text. You can also create bulleted lists and center and justify paragraphs. WordPad allows you to save documents as either basic text (. TXT) files or rich text format (. RTF) files. Saving a document in the rich text format will keep all the formatting you have done to the text, while saving it as a basic text file will remove all text formatting from the document. Notepad is a good choice for creating webpages It is also useful for removing formatting from text that you have copied and want to paste somewhere else as plain text. Just paste the text into Notepad, copy it again from Notepad, and you have completely unformatted text. WordPad is a good choice for writing papers or creating documents that you want to print. It is also great for making lists, since it supports bullets. You can use WordPad to open an unformatted text document and add whatever formatting you want. If you want even more formatting options and a more user-friendly interface, you can use a program such as Microsoft Word.

The Business Event Management

The Business Event Management Welcome to the future of Music Event Management. We help in organizing our different Music events with affordable festival. We plan our events base on the purpose of music like music festival. Our music event management services include a complete process of budgeting, event dates, selecting and reserving the event venue, coordinating transportation and parking, developing a theme or motive for the event, arrangement of speakers, decoration of site, catering services, event support and security. We along with our expert teams sit down and make decisions for the betterment of our clients and try to provide an excellent service according to the customers demands. 1.0 Introduction Today, events are central perhaps never before. Increased leisure time and discretionary spending have led to proliferation of public events, celebration and entertainment. Governments now support and promote events as well as parts of their strategies for economic development, nation building and destination marketing. Corporation and business embrace events as key elements in their marketing strategies and image promotion. The enthusiasm of community groups and individuals for their own interest and passion gives rise to a marvelous array of events on almost every subject and theme imaginable. Events spill out of newspapers and television screens, occupy much of our time and enrich our lives. Source: Special eventsGreat Britain-Management,  Elsevier/Butterworth Heinemann. 2006. 1.1 Define of Event Management Event management is the process by which an event is planned, prepared, and produced. As with any other form of management, it encompasses the assessment, definition, acquisition, allocation, direction, control, and analysis of time, finances, people, products, services, and other resources to achieve objectives. An event managers job is to oversee and arrange every aspect of an event, including researching, planning, organizing, implementing, controlling, and evaluating an events design, activities, and production. The festival was traditionally a time of celebration and recuperation which often followed a period of hard psychical labor, showing or harvesting of crops, for example. The essential feature of these festivals was the celebration or reaffirmation of community or culture. The artistic content of such events was variable and many had religious or ritualistic aspects, but music dance and drama was important feature of the celebration. Source: (The policy of study institute 1992) 2.0 Importance of Planning and administering in event management Event planners design, organize and coordinate conventions, conferences, corporate meetings, exhibitions, etc. In fact, there are thousands of events of every scale that need an event planners services. Somebody is always needed to oversee all the details and to ensure that the event happens, successfully. Event planners are responsible for every aspect, from marketing, catering, signage, displays, translation, audio-visual equipment, printing and security. They also take care of participants accommodations and transport. They are responsible for the financial side: setting and monitoring the overall budget for the venture. Political and Union events. Conferences and conventions. Trade shows. Company socials. Meetings. New product launches. Charity fundraisers. Grand openings. Festivals. Parties. Event management and planning is a career that offers excitement and a degree of glamour in return for hard work, a large amount of energy and flexibility, and a high level of organizational and logistical skills. 3.0 The Role of Music Festival Manager An event management professional is responsible for almost every aspect of event, from planning an event to the execution or conducting the event. An event management professional has to take care many operations and processes to organize an event and make it successful which generally include Planning the event, Venue selection for the event, Logistics, Design, Decoration, Negotiation, Media planning, Budgeting for the event, Marketing the event, Ticket sales, Customer service, Managing people, Catering, Hospitality, Time management and Problem solving. The Music Event Manager is the one essential position for any event committee organizing an event. The Music Event Manager is responsible for: à ¢-  The smooth running and coordination of the event. à ¢-  The inclusive and welcoming nature of the event for all. à ¢-  Ensuring that the event complies with all relevant Federal and State laws and local government policies and regulations. à ¢-  Ensuring that all forms are filled out and details lodged with the relevant authority. à ¢-  Ensuring that appropriate permission is received before the event goes ahead. à ¢-  Recording details of invitees and attendees. à ¢-  Ensuring that thank yours are sent to those who have helped in arranging or sponsoring à ¢-  The event and to any special guests. à ¢-  Advertising the event. à ¢-  Budget forecasting and financial control. Event Planning Role of Music event manager starts with planning the event. Event manager has to sit with client to plant the event, in which an event manager comes to know the purpose of the event, type of event, number of attendees, facilities required for the event and the timeline of the event. Budgeting Budgeting immediately comes after the planning of event. Every client has his own budget for the event. A Music event manager has to plan and organize the event within the budget. Every activity after planning the event will depend on clients budget, whether it is venue, food, decoration and gifts or any other part of the event. Venue Selection for the event Once the purpose of event, number of attendees, required facilities and timeline of the event decided, then the venue selection and venue booking comes in the focus. Every venue is not suitable for all kinds of events. Venue selection depends on purpose of event or type of event (i.e. venue for wedding could not same as for the venue of brand promotion or product launch), number of attendees and many other criteria. Good venue selection makes a deep impact on event. Logistics Administering the logistics for an event means planning, booking, outsourcing and monitoring many parts of the event with the help of team. Decoration, kind of furniture required, number of general furniture items (i.e. chairs for attendees), number of special furniture items (i.e. podium for speaker), water, electricity, sound, light, photography and video, menu planning, catering services, lodging and transportation of special guests or chief guests of the event, selection and packaging of return gifts (in many events) and many other activities are included in administering the logistics for an event. Many times, the client preferred theme party. In this case, a Music event manager has to arrange and monitor some additional logistics. Advertising and Media Planning Advertising and media planning are required for many social events (i.e. musical night of renowned singer) and corporate events (i.e. product launch). For many other events, ticket selling is also required (i.e. sports events, movie premiers). A Music event manager has to plan and execute all these activities also. 4.0 Why an action plan is necessary for music festival This stage is to start formulating a Music Action Plan. To be clear, the Music Action Plan is a live management tool that details key project milestones and activity against a timeline it should be continually reviewed and updated as the music planning and operations progress. The music Plan, on the other hand, is a strategic vision and planning document which outlines the event objectives, states the business case and gives financial projections and information over a given time period (often 3-5 years). The Music Plan should be reviewed at key stages as agreed by event partners (most likely at the beginning of each planning stage). It is important to commit our thoughts to paper. This is essential in order to help our understand and share what has to be done, when and by whom. Its also a requirement if we are looking to convince others to invest in our event. Putting together the Music Event Action Plan is a straightforward task that involves listing key activities against a timeline and stating who will be responsible for delivering each element. Critically, it will help us to ensure we have enough time to complete all necessary tasks and help all involved understand their responsibilities. Key activities listed in our Music Event Action Plan may include: > Writing/updating the Music Plan > Identifying event partners and supporters > Recruitment and training > Fundraising activity and deadlines > Budgeting milestones > Key meetings i.e. steering group or sub-committee meetings > Confirming venue(s) > Booking or commissioning program elements > Pre-production/production milestones > Implementing the Marketing Strategy > Live event > Monitoring, evaluation reporting . Use team meetings to update the plan and then make sure that all revisions are circulated to those who are working from the plan. Depending on the size and complexity of our event, we may have separate, more detailed Action Plans for different work areas or departments. For example, we may have one for marketing, one for production, one for fundraising, etc. Its a useful approach to be able to show the entire activity timeline and also to be able to break it down into departments. We may have project management software to help put us together our plan, but if not, a simple activity/month table is useful. Below is a basic template that we could easily replicate in Microsoft Word or similar packages. We have included some sample entries to get us started. As appropriate, we can expand our Action Plan by providing the necessary detail. The point is that it has got to work for us and our event. This chart may be identified why is it necessary for our event. Development of Music concept or event bid Feasibility Study Cost and benefit of events Events resource and infrastructure requirements Decision to chease Decision to proceed with new event Established of organization structure Conduct situation of analysis Creation of control system Development of evaluation of feedback process Source adapted from Getz (2005) Techniques that can be used to monitor progress in music festival The Event Managers role includes ensuring that the music event runs smoothly. A key role is to communicate with all officials and volunteers to ensure that their tasks are being carried out. Always check off the time-line of tasks and duties before and during the event. As tasks are interrelated, it is essential that they are completed in the time planned so as to keep the whole process on track. It is the Music Event managers responsibility to ensure this is done. It is good practice to set regular meeting dates and times for the various individuals and subcommittees to report. Keep minutes and records of all meetings and follow-up on tasks between meetings. These records will be used for monitoring and coordination as well as for the final evaluation, event reporting and input to planning for future music events. Computer programs or work flow charts for project planning and management are also useful for music event monitoring and record keeping. Continuous monitoring is essential for successful events and provides early warning if things begin to deviate from the plan. The earlier any deviations are noticed, the greater the chance of dealing with the situation before major reorganization is required. The more slack time between critical tasks, the more options for adjustment. If the plan needs adjusting because of over-runs of time or resources, the main options open to the Event Manager and the event committee are to: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ find additional resources (eg recruit additional volunteers or seek more funds) à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ reassign resources to shorten critical tasks (eg move volunteers or finance from one task area to another) à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ reduce costs and/or reschedule key tasks (eg drop non-critical tasks or move non-critical tasks to another time). 5.0 The importance of monitoring or evaluating each stage of planning cycle in music festival The music planning process is an ongoing cycle that incorporates a series of different stages. The outcomes of one stage may change the next stage of the plan. One way of thinking about the stages involved in the planning cycle is: Assessing the context- What need to be done? Detailed planning-who, what, where Monitoring and evaluation Agreeing the outcomes What difference do we want to make Agreeing action How will we go about making difference Setting indicators how we will know we made a difference Each stage feeds into the next, making planning an ongoing activity which is closely linked to evaluation. Planning with communities needs to build upon where the community is now, taking time to identify strengths, opportunities and priorities, and it needs to go at a pace that suits the community. Sometimes earlier stages of the planning cycle will need to be revisited and adapted based on the changing context. 6.0 The importance of time management in music festival Time is one of the most important factors in life. Once time goes it never comes again. Once a thing is done it is done it cannot be changes. One cant go into the history nor change it. Time is as important as money one should spend it carefully. Here are some of the reasons why time management is so important for music festival. 1 Time is limited Time is limited one cannot store or save time. In during the period everything is to finish in music festival. 2. Too many things to do Time is limited but the things to be done are many. One need to maintain a proper schedule and choose the right time for the right activity. Time management helps to choose the things to be done. Time management helps to manage more time to do the things which are more valuable and important to do in music festival. 3. Time management helps to finish the different task in less amount of time- Time management allows to allot good amount of time to different things and get the different things done. By using time management one can plan and organise his activities properly in music festival. 4. Make us conscious about time Time management makes us conscious of the time we have and the different things we have to do in the available time. By being conscious about the available time one used the time more carefully in music festival. 5. Change music festival activities Time management changes music festival activities. People like different music to different symphony by time management. Now music festival has arranged all in one activities. Time management is very important in music festival because all the festival activities has to finish during the festival period. 7.0 Methods Used to Evaluate Success of Music Festival Radio advertising should be predominant for the repositioning- our target audience are large radio listeners, and respond well to this media. Internet the target audience very technologically aware and a viral e-mail campaign with a well developed, interactive, website is essential to increase awareness. In addition we should have a campaign through printed media- there are many specialist magazine aim at the target audience and we should use these to promote sales. (See below) Music festival Manager such as posters should also be used and Sales promotion Sponsorship and PR 8.0 Conclusion Manager is there to work in event. It is all about planning, planning and more planning. It is more significance on the company festival manager. It is necessary to change new horizon of music festival. Because people needs new quality of music festival. We can say for arranging any company follow our music festival and also important to develop organizer activities. This is important for company festival manager to change new horizon and creativity in new path of organization. An event manger organizes all the festival activities and preparing event atmosphere in his decision.